With the US emerging as the sole superpower following the end of the Cold War in 1991, consequent to the dismemberment of the USSR, India was required to reset its geopolitical strategy in light of three paradigm shifts that had occurred on the world stage.
First, the US was driving global trends in a unipolar order. For India, a rising power itself, Indo-US relations reflected a natural friendship between the two largest and most enduring democracies in a world facing dictatorial regimes like China&rsquo;s.
Secondly, it was reasonable for India to presume that, in the post-Cold War era, the world would move towards multipolarity. Nations were no longer bound by the militarily tense ideological divide between communism, with state controls and capitalism backed by free markets. The Non-Aligned Movement, which India had led, was therefore reshaped into a strategy of developing bilateral relationships with all countries, big or small, based on mutually beneficial security and economic interests.
Finally, India found itself moving towards a leadership role in the Global South, which fundamentally sought peace for economic growth. Strategic analysts must rise above the specifics of policies pursued by a transient America under Donald Trump or the consequent direction of the European Union, and focus instead on the new geopolitical environment that India could strategise for without being trapped by the legacies of the past.
India has a realistic assessment of where it stands in terms of global economic and military power. It recognises that China is pursuing the economic route to becoming the second superpower, having drawn lessons from the demise of the Soviet Union, and now leads the China-Russia combine. There are clear indications of a return to a Cold War-like scenario between the China-led axis and the US. However, China is still buying time before it reaches a position of military parity with America.
For India, &ldquo;strategic autonomy&rdquo; is not a slogan but a commitment to remain non-aligned in military conflicts with global implications, such as the Ukraine-Russia war and the Israel-Iran confrontation, to serve the cause of world peace. India&rsquo;s pursuit of multipolarity is not a strategic liability but a meaningful approach to handling international relations amid the current geopolitical flux.
India is sending a clear message to China through platforms like the Quad, I2U2, and G20 about where its support would lie in a future US-China conflict. Despite the erratic pronouncements of President Trump, he has been consistent in denouncing Islamic terrorism and identifying China as the US&rsquo;s main adversary. His withdrawal from the WHO over its perceived China dominance provided further common ground for building an Indo-US strategic partnership, notwithstanding his one-sided statements on trade and his comments on India&rsquo;s economy.
What should concern Indian policymakers, however, is that Trump appeared insufficiently aware of the security threat posed by the Sino-Pak strategic alliance to world peace in general, and to India in particular. He sought to cultivate Pakistan, whose military leadership has traditionally enjoyed close ties with the Pentagon, apparently in pursuit of personal ambitions such as winning the Nobel Peace Prize for conflict resolution. Israel&rsquo;s support for this proposition was unsurprising.
Trump has overlooked Pakistan&rsquo;s well-documented sheltering of Islamic radical forces that have long regarded the US as their &ldquo;first enemy.&rdquo; He also failed to adequately address China&rsquo;s provision of military hardware and technological support to Pakistan during the recent Indo-Pak confrontation that followed the Pakistan-directed terrorist attack at Pahalgam. India can manage Trump&rsquo;s inconsistent, transactional responses without compromising its national interests, trusting that the friendship between India and the US as leaders of the democratic world would outlast his presidency.
Driven by his &ldquo;America First&rdquo; agenda to consolidate the US economy, Trump&rsquo;s interest in Pakistan has largely been tied to striking a favourable economic deal. India has responded with reason on issues such as illegal migration and trade tariffs, both of which Trump prioritised. India&rsquo;s strategy rests on the valid assumption that the US needs India as much as India needs the US, allowing it to stand firm on matters of reciprocity in Indo-US relations.
India can afford a strategy of patience and vigilance rather than alignment. Not aligning with any superpower, whether existing or emerging, is itself a form of power. For the US, India may not be an ally, but it is certainly an autonomous partner that deserves respect. This approach aligns with India&rsquo;s profile as a major power whose voice matters in global issues of war and peace.
Trump&rsquo;s reconsideration of US security guarantees in Europe has made it clear that, while America remains the world&rsquo;s preeminent power, it no longer presides over a unipolar order. Many countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America are asserting themselves, making it strategically appropriate for India to position itself as an anchor of the Global South in contemporary geopolitics.
India must pay close attention to an Indo-Pacific that is seeing heightened competition, a more violent Middle East, and China&rsquo;s growing influence in its neighbourhood. On balance, India should lean towards a democratic US over a dictatorial China that is already demonstrating hostility. However, there is no need to rush into the American camp. Maintaining an independent stance while being ready to join any global cause for peace and human welfare is consistent with India&rsquo;s strategic culture. Today, non-alignment has evolved into bilateral friendships with all, enabling India to respond to global crises with calls for peace and negotiations.
To sum up, Indo-US relations must rest on mutual recognition of the special importance of their friendship, which sends a universal message: democracy stands against dictatorship, expansionism, and the use of terrorism to achieve political aims.
India has rightly strengthened its engagement with the Quad to reaffirm the importance of a &ldquo;rules-based order&rdquo; in the Indo-Pacific. This also checks China&rsquo;s outreach into the Indian Ocean, bolstering India&rsquo;s maritime security. The Trump administration is committed to countering Chinese advances and regards the Quad as a centrepiece of its Indo-Pacific policy, making India as close to the US on this matter as any ally.
Historically, India has stood with the US in the face of shared security threats. Notably, following 9/11, India was among the first to join the US-led &ldquo;world coalition against global terror,&rdquo; even as a reluctant Pakistan had to be coerced by President George Bush to participate.
Today, the biggest threat to India&rsquo;s national security is the Sino-Pak axis. The military dimension of this alliance came into play during the recent Indo-Pak conflict. India is right to critically assess Trump&rsquo;s approach: if he fails to recognise India&rsquo;s case against Pakistan, especially in light of India&rsquo;s support for the US on China, New Delhi should reconsider its stance.
Trump&rsquo;s willingness to overlook Pakistan&rsquo;s role in fostering Islamic terrorism for the sake of trade gives India reason to balance its defence deals between the US and Russia, and to push for tariff parity with Washington.
Trump&rsquo;s suggestion to apply &ldquo;tariff pressure&rdquo; on countries trading with Russia because such trade indirectly aids Russia against Ukraine was neither here nor there. India can address such moves with a mix of strategic firmness and diplomatic finesse. India has rightly described this stance as unfortunate and unreasonable, while making it clear to President Putin that friendship with Russia remains a vital component of its strategic autonomy.
Meanwhile, India&rsquo;s strategy of promoting self-sufficiency in defence and the economy is the right path in all circumstances, especially in an era when geopolitical divides and economic uncertainty dominate the global landscape.
[Except for the headline, this article has not been edited by the Benefit News editorial team and is published directly from the IANS news feed.]
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Strategic autonomy guides India’s path amid US-China tensions and global power shifts

The Third Eye: India’s Strategic Approach

Strategic autonomy guides India’s path amid US-China tensions and global power shifts

August 10, 2025 | 21:52 IST