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<a title="India China" href="https://www.benefitnews24.com/editorial/india-s-strategy-balance-china-and-us/18838" target="_blank" rel="noopener">India</a> and China have held a new round of military-level talks aimed at easing tensions along their disputed border. The meeting took place on 25 October 2025 at the Moldo&ndash;Chushul border meeting point on the Indian side of the Line of Actual Control (LAC).
According to the <a title="China India" href="https://www.benefitnews24.com/international/xi-to-modi-dragon-and-elephant-can-dance/18597" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Chinese</a> Ministry of Defence, both sides conducted &ldquo;active and in-depth communication&rdquo; on the control and management of the western sector of the border. The ministry added that both militaries agreed to maintain regular communication and dialogue through military and diplomatic channels to ensure stability along the frontier.
An official statement from India&rsquo;s Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) is expected soon, though sources indicate that the tone of discussions remained professional and forward-looking.
This dialogue follows a series of engagements held earlier this year to reduce friction along the LAC, particularly in Eastern Ladakh, where troops from both countries have remained in close proximity since the 2020 Galwan clash. The incident had frozen ties and led to a prolonged military standoff across several friction points.
The latest talks indicate a measured thaw in relations. Both New Delhi and Beijing have been attempting to rebuild confidence through practical steps such as restoring direct passenger flights and expanding diplomatic outreach. The resumption of air links between Kolkata and Guangzhou earlier this week was described by officials as a &ldquo;symbolic yet significant step&rdquo; in normalising people-to-people and economic engagement.
ALSO READ: https://www.benefitnews24.com/india/india-s-astra-ii-to-adopt-tech-from-china-s-pl-15/21032
Prime Minister Narendra Modi&rsquo;s participation in the SCO Summit 2025 in Tianjin and his brief bilateral meeting with President Xi Jinping further underscored the intent to stabilise ties. Both leaders reaffirmed that the border issue should not define the entirety of the relationship and agreed to keep communication lines open.
Analysts view the latest meeting as part of a broader confidence-building effort, with both sides seeking to prevent border incidents and manage disputes through dialogue rather than confrontation. However, no announcement was made on troop withdrawals or disengagement from remaining flashpoints.
While the situation on the ground remains sensitive, the agreement to continue structured dialogue reflects a willingness to prioritise stability. Officials have hinted that the next round of discussions could take place later this year, signalling that both nations are willing to institutionalise mechanisms to prevent escalation.
If sustained, this renewed pattern of engagement could mark a slow but steady shift from confrontation to cooperation along one of the world&rsquo;s most challenging frontiers.

Fresh dialogue at Moldo-Chushul signals cautious thaw in strained border ties

India-China Hold Border Talks To Ease Tensions

<h3 data-start="204" data-end="268">India must recalibrate its South Asia playbook</h3>
When <a title="Pakistan ISI terrorism" href="https://www.benefitnews24.com/india/isi-s-demographic-war-on-india-since-1971/17914" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Pakistan&rsquo;s</a> Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee Chairman General Sahir Shamshad Mirza called on <a title="Bangladesh" href="https://www.benefitnews24.com/international/bangladesh-faces-talibanisation-threat/18817" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Bangladesh&rsquo;s</a> Chief Adviser Professor Muhammad Yunus in Dhaka, the optics went beyond polite diplomacy. For India, this was more than a neighbourly handshake &mdash; it was a subtle signal of shifting alignments in South Asia&rsquo;s power chessboard.
Behind closed doors, Dhaka and Islamabad discussed trade, connectivity, and defence cooperation &mdash; subjects that have historically defined India&rsquo;s strategic primacy in the region. But this time, Pakistan&rsquo;s move seems calculated to exploit Bangladesh&rsquo;s political transition and reassert its relevance in South Asian geopolitics. The meeting marks the first high-level Pakistani military visit to Bangladesh since 1971, symbolically revisiting a bitter history India played a decisive role in shaping.
<h3 data-start="1115" data-end="1148">Reading between the lines</h3>
The official Dhaka communiqu&eacute; projected cordiality &mdash; talk of shared history, investment potential, and regional peace. Yet, the subtext was unmistakable. Pakistan, having found itself increasingly isolated in both West and Central Asia, now sees an opening in Bangladesh&rsquo;s post-Hasina political flux. The Yunus-led interim government, born out of mass protests that upended Sheikh Hasina&rsquo;s 15-year rule, is seeking fresh international legitimacy. Islamabad appears eager to fill that void, offering &ldquo;brotherly&rdquo; ties to test Dhaka&rsquo;s readiness to diversify beyond India&rsquo;s strategic orbit.
Sources suggest Pakistan&rsquo;s intent goes beyond symbolism. The possibility of intelligence-sharing or military training exchanges, however preliminary, hints at a slow, deliberate manoeuvre. The idea of reviving maritime or air links &mdash; Karachi&ndash;Chittagong and Dhaka&ndash;Karachi routes &mdash; indicates a push to normalise relations while building dual-use logistics that could, in future, serve both commercial and strategic interests.
<h3 data-start="2176" data-end="2205">The South Asian reset</h3>
India&rsquo;s strategic thinkers must read this development as part of a larger South Asian reset. For decades, New Delhi has balanced two key levers &mdash; military deterrence with Pakistan and economic partnership with Bangladesh. But the emerging Islamabad-Dhaka conversation introduces a new variable: Pakistan&rsquo;s attempt to reframe its South Asian identity not as an adversary but as a connector among Muslim-majority nations.
This aligns with Pakistan&rsquo;s broader diplomatic shift &mdash; seeking to position itself within a soft OIC-style bloc, linking Afghanistan and Bangladesh around Islamic solidarity narratives. The themes raised during the meeting &mdash; misinformation, social media misuse, and global conflict de-escalation &mdash; are useful diplomatic buffers but also provide a platform for political messaging within the Islamic world, especially on Palestine.
For India, which has long invested in Dhaka&rsquo;s developmental journey through trade, connectivity, and defence training, this signals an early warning. The Yunus administration&rsquo;s outreach to Islamabad should be viewed not as betrayal but as an attempt to rebalance its external dependencies amid domestic turbulence.
ALSO READ: https://www.benefitnews24.com/geo-politics/akhand-bharat-will-gulp-bangladesh/9440
<h3 data-start="3402" data-end="3435">India&rsquo;s strategic reading</h3>
India&rsquo;s Ministry of External Affairs and National Security Council would be prudent to read between the press lines rather than overreact. This moment calls for strategic patience, not paranoia. New Delhi&rsquo;s three-pronged response should ideally involve:
<ol data-start="3696" data-end="4291">
<li data-start="3696" data-end="3881">
Reinforcing connectivity diplomacy &mdash; Expediting cross-border infrastructure and energy projects that directly benefit ordinary Bangladeshis, particularly in the north and east.
</li>
<li data-start="3882" data-end="4104">
Intelligence recalibration &mdash; Keeping a close watch on any future Pakistan&ndash;Bangladesh defence training or intelligence-sharing proposals, especially involving maritime security or social media information networks.
</li>
<li data-start="4105" data-end="4291">
Political re-engagement &mdash; Quiet back-channel talks with Dhaka&rsquo;s interim power circles, signalling India&rsquo;s willingness to support a stable electoral transition, not a partisan one.
</li>
</ol>
India&rsquo;s advantage lies in the depth of institutional ties &mdash; from shared borders to transnational rivers, cultural exchanges, and economic interdependence. Pakistan may seek symbolic wins, but India holds the strategic depth and the leverage that Dhaka ultimately cannot overlook.
<h3 data-start="4583" data-end="4612">The message for Delhi</h3>
Pakistan&rsquo;s outreach to Bangladesh, while not alarming, is a strategic irritant that underscores the fluidity of post-Hasina politics. The fact that such a high-level military engagement took place underlines the vacuum of power and perception in Dhaka, which Islamabad is eager to exploit.
For New Delhi, the answer is neither confrontation nor complacency. It must reassert leadership through engagement, not entitlement. India&rsquo;s South Asia doctrine &mdash; &ldquo;Neighbourhood First&rdquo; &mdash; needs fine-tuning, focusing less on dominance and more on dependable partnership.
As Bangladesh heads to elections in early 2026, India&rsquo;s ability to influence Dhaka&rsquo;s strategic choices will depend not on its historic role in 1971, but on how it manages its 21st-century regional diplomacy &mdash; nuanced, proactive, and resilient.
The subcontinent is quietly rearranging itself. India&rsquo;s next move will determine whether it continues to set the South Asian agenda or merely react to it.
<hr data-start="5598" data-end="5601">

General Mirza meets Professor Yunus in Dhaka

Pakistan and Bangladesh revive ties as Delhi weighs its strategic South Asia response

India’s next South Asia balancing act begins

On Saturday, Pakistan summoned the Afghan ambassador in Islamabad to formally convey its &ldquo;strong reservations&rdquo; over the recent joint statement issued by New Delhi between India and Afghanistan.
According to a statement by Pakistan&rsquo;s Foreign Office, the Additional Foreign Secretary (West Asia &amp; Afghanistan) conveyed Islamabad&rsquo;s objections to the Afghan envoy specifically about references in the joint communiqu&eacute; that regarded the disputed region of Jammu and Kashmir as an integral part of India &mdash; a position Pakistan said was &ldquo;in clear violation of relevant UN Security Council resolutions.&rdquo;
The joint statement, released on October 10 during the Afghan Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi&rsquo;s visit to India, also expressed Afghanistan&rsquo;s condemnation of a terrorist attack in Pahalgam (Jammu &amp; Kashmir) and reaffirmed a commitment by both nations to combat terrorism emanating from regional countries.
In addition to the Kashmir reference, Pakistan dismissed Muttaqi&rsquo;s remarks that terrorism is an internal issue of Pakistan, arguing that such statements do not absolve Afghanistan of its responsibilities toward regional peace and stability. The Foreign Office reaffirmed Pakistan&rsquo;s long-standing role in hosting millions of Afghan nationals and emphasised that while Pakistan remains committed to a peaceful and prosperous Afghanistan, it retains the right to regulate the presence of unauthorised foreign nationals within its borders.
The development comes amid broader shifts in South Asia&rsquo;s geopolitical dynamics, as India deepens its engagement with the Taliban-led Afghan government and as Pakistan contends with growing concerns over cross-border militancy and its strategic posture towards both neighbours.
&nbsp;

Pakistan Foreign Office building in Islamabad

Islamabad protests India-Afghanistan statement citing Jammu & Kashmir

Pakistan Summons Afghan Envoy Over J&K Row

The idea of an Arab <a title="NATO" href="https://www.benefitnews24.com/international/zelensky-pushes-nato-for-war-style-security-pact/18230" target="_blank" rel="noopener">NATO</a>-like force has resurfaced yet again, this time in the aftermath of Israel&rsquo;s airstrike on Doha that killed Hamas leaders and several civilians. Egypt&rsquo;s President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi had pressed for a defensive alliance to shield the Arab world from external threats. But the Doha summit ended as so many before it: with statements of condemnation and no decisive action. The failure reveals not only intra-Arab rivalries but also the larger geopolitical game played by external powers to ensure the Arab world never develops independent security architecture.
<h3 data-start="965" data-end="1011">Why the Arab NATO never materialises</h3>
<a title="Egypt" href="https://www.benefitnews24.com/international/arab-league-endorses-egypt-s-gaza-reconstruction-plan/7552" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Egypt</a> has been the most consistent proponent of a united Arab military force. As far back as 1950, the Arab League&rsquo;s Joint Defence and Economic Cooperation Treaty envisaged collective security. The ambition was that an attack on one Arab nation would be treated as an attack on all. In practice, however, the treaty never translated into operational military cooperation.
The Sharm El Sheikh summit in 2015 briefly revived the dream. Cairo proposed a rapid-response force, headquartered in Egypt, with contributions from across the Arab League. On paper, it would combine naval, air, and ground units, supported by elite counterterrorism commandos. Yet disputes over command, funding, and political objectives soon paralysed the plan.
The latest Doha proposal faced the same hurdles. Saudi Arabia wanted leadership, while Egypt insisted its military experience made it best placed. Qatar and the UAE blocked the initiative altogether, wary of Egypt dominating Arab security structures. The exclusion of Iran and Turkey was another sticking point. Gulf monarchies, locked in ideological and geopolitical confrontation with Tehran, refuse to entertain the idea of any cooperative framework that includes Iran. For Egypt, however, a purely Gulf-led alliance risks becoming little more than an extension of Saudi and Emirati priorities rather than a genuine pan-Arab shield.
&nbsp;
ALSO READ: https://www.benefitnews24.com/opinion/middle-east-power-play-week-of-strategic-moves/9787
<h3 data-start="2393" data-end="2422">The Iranian dilemma</h3>
One reason unity is elusive is Iran itself. To Gulf states, Tehran represents the greatest threat, backing militias in Yemen, Lebanon, and Iraq. For others, including Qatar, Iran is both a rival and a pragmatic partner, necessary to balance Saudi dominance. Bringing Iran into a defence league would mean redefining the very security priorities of the bloc &mdash; from countering Israel to negotiating coexistence with Tehran. That contradiction ensures paralysis.
<h3 data-start="2887" data-end="2914">The American hand</h3>
The deeper truth is that Arab states are unlikely to form a NATO-style force so long as the United States remains the ultimate security guarantor. Washington&rsquo;s strategy for decades has been to fragment the Arab world, cultivating bilateral defence agreements rather than encouraging collective institutions. This ensures that no independent Arab bloc emerges capable of resisting American or Israeli strategic designs.
At the Doha summit, Egyptian diplomats hinted that US pressure shaped the outcome. Qatar reportedly carried messages from Washington urging Arab capitals not to adopt resolutions against Israel. The result was a final statement heavy on rhetoric but devoid of action. Once again, Arab security was outsourced &mdash; this time to American promises that Washington would restrain Israel from further strikes.
The pattern is familiar: whenever Arab leaders move toward independent defence arrangements, Washington intervenes to divide, delay, or redirect the conversation. The underlying fear is that an Arab force could gradually tilt toward alternative patrons such as Russia or China. Both powers are actively deepening ties in the region, from arms sales to infrastructure investment. An independent Arab security alliance would reduce US leverage and open the door to multipolarity in the Middle East &mdash; a scenario Washington is determined to avoid.
<h3 data-start="4290" data-end="4317">Egypt&rsquo;s isolation</h3>
For Cairo, the repeated rejection of its proposals reflects its declining influence within the Arab order. Once the undisputed leader of Arab nationalism, Egypt now finds itself constrained economically and diplomatically, reliant on Gulf financing and Western aid. Sisi&rsquo;s proposal was not only about regional security but also about reasserting Egypt&rsquo;s leadership role. The lukewarm response from Gulf capitals underscored how much the Arab centre of gravity has shifted eastward to Riyadh, Abu Dhabi, and Doha.
Even so, Egypt&rsquo;s anxieties are real. With Israel openly discussing the displacement of Palestinians into Sinai, Cairo sees an existential threat. Sisi&rsquo;s rare public description of Israel as &ldquo;an enemy&rdquo; signals both frustration and alarm. Yet without regional buy-in, Egypt faces its challenges largely alone.
<h3 data-start="5146" data-end="5176">The cycle of failure</h3>
The Arab world&rsquo;s inability to unite militarily is not merely the product of disagreements over leadership. It is the structural result of conflicting national interests, sectarian rivalries, and external manipulation. Each state prioritises its own survival and regime security, often seeking protection from the very foreign powers that Arabs rhetorically denounce.
In effect, the dream of an Arab NATO collapses every time it is raised because it demands what the region lacks: trust, shared priorities, and political independence. Instead, the Arab order continues to oscillate between reliance on American security guarantees and ad hoc coalitions such as the Saudi-led intervention in Yemen &mdash; efforts that serve narrow agendas rather than collective defence.
<h3 data-start="5948" data-end="5968">View Point</h3>
The calls for a NATO-like Arab force will continue to surface whenever Israel escalates or regional crises intensify. But unless Arab states resolve their internal rivalries, address the Iran question, and reduce dependence on Washington, such a force will remain a mirage. For now, the Middle East remains a chessboard on which outside powers play freely &mdash; precisely because Arab states cannot agree to play together.

Decades of attempts to form a joint Arab defence force stall amid rivalries and US pressur

Arab unity falters on NATO-like defence force

<a title="IAF" href="https://www.benefitnews24.com/defence/operation-sindoor-six-paf-jets-downed/17614" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Pakistan&rsquo;s</a> Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar may have extended an olive branch to New Delhi, but India&rsquo;s position on bilateral engagement remains crystal clear&mdash;there can be no dialogue until Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) and the menace of cross-border terrorism are addressed.
Speaking to the media, Dar emphasised that his country was prepared for a &ldquo;composite dialogue&rdquo; with India in a &ldquo;dignified and respectful manner&rdquo; on all issues, including Kashmir. Yet, he underlined that &ldquo;Pakistan will not beg for talks&rdquo;. His remarks recall the 2003 composite dialogue framework, launched under General Pervez Musharraf, which included eight components covering every contentious matter. That dialogue process collapsed after the 2008 Mumbai terror attacks, never to be revived in full.
Dar went further, claiming that Pakistan&rsquo;s diplomatic narrative had gained &ldquo;global recognition&rdquo;, portraying Islamabad as proactive and willing to engage. He also noted that Pakistan had not asked for mediation but was open to discussions at a neutral venue.
But the <a title="India" href="https://www.benefitnews24.com/india/india-exposes-pakistan-as-it-takes-unsc-helm/15425" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Indian</a> stand is unwavering. For New Delhi, the question is not one of optics or &ldquo;gesture diplomacy&rdquo; but of fundamentals. Without Pakistan first vacating its illegal occupation of Kashmir and ending its sponsorship of terrorism, any talk of peace or dialogue is dismissed as hollow posturing. India has consistently maintained that there is nothing to negotiate beyond the return of PoK and an end to terror infrastructure across the border.
The larger question then arises: is Islamabad&rsquo;s latest outreach a genuine attempt to reset ties, or merely a tactical move to project an image of flexibility abroad? To many in India, this sounds less like bridge-building and more like a public relations manoeuvre aimed at the international community rather than a credible peace initiative.
&nbsp;
ALSO READ: https://www.benefitnews24.com/geo-politics/pak-s-dar-india-hit-nur-khan-rafiqui-airbases-/14336
Until Pakistan confronts the reality of its role in fostering instability, India&rsquo;s door to dialogue will remain firmly shut. The road to talks lies not through grandstanding in the media, but through tangible steps&mdash;dismantling terror networks and acknowledging the legitimacy of India&rsquo;s claims over PoK. Anything short of that is, at best, diplomatic theatre.
<hr data-start="2686" data-end="2689">
<h3 data-start="2691" data-end="2729">&nbsp;</h3>

Pakistan Occupied Kashmir and Indian side

Islamabad seeks dialogue, but New Delhi insists PoK and terror must be addressed first

Talks with Pakistan? Not Without PoK, India Says

<a title="China" href="https://www.benefitnews24.com/geo-politics/india-china-move-ahead-on-border-resolution/18139" target="_blank" rel="noopener">China</a> is preparing to stage its grand Victory Day parade in Beijing&rsquo;s Tiananmen Square, marking 80 years since the end of the Second World War. Yet beyond the symbolism of military precision and advanced weaponry, the guest list has caught global attention. Among the 26 world leaders invited are Russian President Vladimir Putin and North Korea&rsquo;s Kim Jong Un&mdash;two figures who, alongside President Xi Jinping, signal a deliberate display of what could be described as an emerging Eastern bloc.
The presence of such leaders is not merely ceremonial. It sends a strategic message to Washington, Brussels, and Tokyo: that Beijing is prepared to project power in partnership with countries long regarded by the West as disruptive or adversarial. The inclusion of leaders from Iran, Belarus, Indonesia, Pakistan, Serbia, and Myanmar underlines a collective that appears increasingly comfortable in challenging Western dominance of global order.
<h3 data-start="1689" data-end="1715">Symbolism and timing</h3>
The timing of this parade is as calculated as its choreography. China is making a show of strength amid growing US-China friction, trade wars, and ongoing disputes over Taiwan and the South China Sea. Simultaneously, Russia&rsquo;s war in Ukraine has entrenched divisions with NATO, while North Korea&rsquo;s weapons programme remains a perennial threat to regional security. For Xi, showcasing Putin and Kim alongside him is a projection of Eastern solidarity against the West&rsquo;s sanctions-driven strategies.
Equally striking is the historical narrative. By celebrating 3 September 1945, when Japan surrendered to Allied forces, Beijing reminds its audience&mdash;both domestic and foreign&mdash;that the East too played a decisive role in shaping the outcome of the Second World War. Linking past victory to present ambition, Xi is attempting to legitimise China&rsquo;s position as not just a regional but a global power.
&nbsp;
ALSO READ: https://www.benefitnews24.com/opinion/trump-s-tariff-gambit-shifts-global-balances/17917
<h3 data-start="2645" data-end="2681">India&rsquo;s delicate balancing act</h3>
One intriguing question is whether India will tilt towards this axis. Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be in China the same week for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in Tianjin. While not on the parade&rsquo;s official guest list, his mere presence in China at such a moment will be closely watched.
India&rsquo;s relationship with Beijing remains strained after the 2020 Himalayan border clashes, but shared economic grievances with the United States&mdash;particularly its tariff war under Donald Trump&mdash;have opened cautious avenues for cooperation. Were New Delhi ever to lean closer to this alignment, it could represent a geopolitical game-changer, unsettling Western capitals already anxious about the expansion of BRICS and the recalibration of global economic power.
<h3 data-start="3492" data-end="3520">The lone Western voice</h3>
Notably, the only Western leader attending is Slovakia&rsquo;s Prime Minister Robert Fico, highlighting the broader transatlantic scepticism about Beijing&rsquo;s showcase. Fico&rsquo;s attendance may be read as a nod to the pockets of pro-Russian sentiment within Europe, but it hardly alters the overwhelming perception: that this is a demonstration of Eastern unity against Western influence.
<h3 data-start="3919" data-end="3960">Show of might or fragile alignment?</h3>
For all its grandeur, the so-called Eastern bloc remains far from a seamless alliance. China and Russia have overlapping but not identical ambitions. North Korea&rsquo;s unpredictability is both an asset and a liability, while countries like Indonesia and Pakistan have their own regional constraints. Yet, the optics of Xi, Putin, and Kim standing shoulder to shoulder on Tiananmen Square are powerful enough to unsettle Western policymakers.
In essence, this parade is not just about military spectacle. It is about geopolitical theatre, crafted to underscore that the post-Cold War unipolar moment is over. Whether it translates into a durable strategic bloc remains uncertain, but the message to Washington is unmistakable: the East is willing to flex its collective muscle.

China’s parade unites Putin, Kim and others—an Eastern show of might to the West

Is Beijing forging a new Eastern bloc?

In a significant diplomatic move, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Fijian counterpart, Sitiveni Rabuka, met to solidify the development partnership between their two nations. The discussions, which took place in New Delhi, underscored India's expanding engagement with Pacific Island Countries through its Act East policy and the Forum for India-Pacific Islands Cooperation (FIPIC).
The leaders expressed satisfaction with the growth of their bilateral relationship and committed to building a broad-based, inclusive, and forward-looking partnership. Key areas of focus include defence, health, agriculture, trade, and education.
<h3 dir="ltr">Healthcare and Development Initiatives</h3>
A cornerstone of the new partnership is enhanced cooperation in healthcare. PM Modi announced several key initiatives aimed at improving access to affordable healthcare in Fiji:
<ul>
<li dir="ltr" style="font-family: georgia, palatino, serif; font-size: 12pt;" aria-level="1">
Establishment of a 100-bed super speciality hospital in Suva.
</li>
<li dir="ltr" style="font-family: georgia, palatino, serif; font-size: 12pt;" aria-level="1">
Provision of dialysis units and sea ambulances.
</li>
<li dir="ltr" style="font-family: georgia, palatino, serif; font-size: 12pt;" aria-level="1">
Opening of Jan Aushadhi Kendras (People's Pharmacies) to provide low-cost generic medicines.
</li>
<li dir="ltr" style="font-family: georgia, palatino, serif; font-size: 12pt;" aria-level="1">
Organisation of a 'Jaipur Foot' camp to provide prosthetics.
</li>
</ul>
A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on the recognition of the Indian Pharmacopoeia was signed, strengthening collaboration in the pharmaceutical sector. Additionally, another MoU was signed for the Tuba Levu Village Ground Water Supply Project, a Quick Impact Project (QIP) that will provide clean drinking water to local communities.
<h3 dir="ltr">Economic and Security Cooperation</h3>
To boost economic ties, several MoUs were signed between key institutions:
<ul>
<li dir="ltr" style="font-family: georgia, palatino, serif; font-size: 12pt;" aria-level="1">
Fiji Development Bank (FDB) and NABARD of India will collaborate on rural development and agricultural financing.
</li>
<li dir="ltr" style="font-family: georgia, palatino, serif; font-size: 12pt;" aria-level="1">
Bureau of Indian Standards (BIS) and Fiji&rsquo;s Department of National Trade Measurement and Standards (DNTMS) will cooperate on standardisation.
</li>
<li dir="ltr" style="font-family: georgia, palatino, serif; font-size: 12pt;" aria-level="1">
CII and the Fiji Commerce and Employers Federation (FCEF) will work to further economic and commercial ties.
</li>
</ul>
On the security front, both leaders reaffirmed their commitment to the MoU on Defence Cooperation, signed in 2017. The recent inaugural Joint Working Group (JWG) on Defence highlighted areas of collaboration, including UN Peacekeeping Operations, Military Medicine, and White Shipping Information Exchange. PM Rabuka welcomed India&rsquo;s assurance to assist with the security of Fiji&rsquo;s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and announced a planned port call by an Indian Naval Ship to enhance maritime cooperation.
Both nations also agreed to strengthen cooperation against terrorism, condemning the recent Pahalgam terrorist attack. They reiterated a zero-tolerance policy towards terrorism and pledged to work together to counter radicalisation and combat terrorist financing.
[Except for the headline, this article has not been edited by the Benefit News editorial team and is published directly from the IANS news feed.]

PM Modi and Rabuka expand partnership in health, defense, and trade

India-Fiji Strengthen Ties In Key Sectors

External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar said on Thursday that India and Russia&rsquo;s shared goal is to &ldquo;maximise complementarity,&rdquo; voicing confidence that his talks in Moscow would ensure a more &ldquo;fruitful and outcome-oriented&rdquo; annual summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin later this year.
During his meeting with Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, Jaishankar said both nations were reviewing ties in politics, trade, investment, defence, science and technology, and people-to-people exchanges. He stressed the need for stronger economic cooperation as a foundation of the strategic partnership.
Jaishankar recalled recent high-level engagements, including National Security Advisor Ajit Doval&rsquo;s visit, IT and Railways Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw&rsquo;s trip, and NITI Aayog Vice-Chairman Suman Berry&rsquo;s participation at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum. He also pointed to his &ldquo;productive&rdquo; discussions with Russian First Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov on bilateral cooperation.
&ldquo;The global context today is marked by evolving geopolitics and shifting trade patterns. Strengthening complementarities between us is vital,&rdquo; he said.
On Wednesday, Jaishankar co-chaired the 26th session of the India-Russia Inter-Governmental Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific, Technological and Cultural Cooperation (IRIGC-TEC) and later addressed the India-Russia Business Forum, urging businesses to scale up trade, investments, and joint ventures.
&ldquo;An enduring partnership must rest on a strong economic component,&rdquo; he emphasised.
&nbsp;

External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar (Left) and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov (Right)

Jaishankar in Moscow stresses deeper trade, defence, and people-to-people cooperation

India, Russia to Maximise Complementarity: Jaisha

India and China have agreed to take concrete steps towards resolving their long-standing border dispute, with both sides set to begin delimiting less contentious stretches of the boundary. The agreement was reached during the 24th round of Special Representative talks held on Tuesday between National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and visiting Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi.
Although both sides remain cautious about specifics, officials confirmed that India&rsquo;s proposal for a piecemeal approach has been accepted. This involves first addressing easier tracts of the border before moving towards a full-fledged demarcation.
The process will unfold in four stages:
<ol>
<li dir="ltr" style="font-family: georgia, palatino, serif; font-size: 12pt;" aria-level="1">
Technical Expert Group: A team under the Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination (WMCC), led by an MEA Joint Secretary, will be set up.
</li>
<li dir="ltr" style="font-family: georgia, palatino, serif; font-size: 12pt;" aria-level="1">
Identification: Both sides will mark out stretches of land with minimal friction.
</li>
<li dir="ltr" style="font-family: georgia, palatino, serif; font-size: 12pt;" aria-level="1">
Delimitation: Mapping and agreeing on boundary lines in those areas.
</li>
<li dir="ltr" style="font-family: georgia, palatino, serif; font-size: 12pt;" aria-level="1">
Demarcation: Physical placement of boundary pillars on mutually agreed land.
</li>
</ol>
Officials stressed this approach will help build trust between the two Asian giants, allowing &ldquo;early harvest&rdquo; confidence-building measures while contentious areas remain under negotiation.
Beyond delimitation, progress has also been made on military posture. Both sides discussed steps towards non-offensive deployments in Eastern Ladakh and other friction zones, following disengagement after the May 2020 clashes. This includes pulling back tanks, rockets, and artillery from frontline positions to non-threatening distances.
Analysts note that India&rsquo;s Ladakh terrain gives a natural defensive advantage, while China&rsquo;s Tibet plateau allows faster troop mobilisation. The agreement to avoid threatening postures is seen as an early step towards long-term de-escalation.
The move signals cautious optimism in the India-China relationship, which has remained strained since the Galwan Valley clash of 2020.

India, China Move Ahead on Border Resolution

Ajit Doval, Wang Yi agree on stepwise border delimitation to build lasting confidence

The much-anticipated Pursuing Peace summit in Alaska between <a title="US" href="https://www.benefitnews24.com/international/trump-aims-to-reclaim-ukraine-land-in-putin-meet/17737" target="_blank" rel="noopener">US</a> President Donald Trump and <a title="Russia" href="https://www.benefitnews24.com/geo-politics/russia-signals-talks-won-t-shift-on-ukraine-goals/16730" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Russian</a> President Vladimir Putin ended without the breakthrough many had hoped would chart a clear path towards ending the Russia&ndash;Ukraine war.
Despite both leaders describing the nearly three-hour closed-door talks as &ldquo;productive&rdquo; and claiming &ldquo;progress&rdquo;, no ceasefire was announced, and crucial details of any so-called &ldquo;understandings&rdquo; remain undisclosed.
The meeting, held in Anchorage, marked the first direct Trump&ndash;Putin encounter since 2019 and their first standalone summit since Helsinki in 2018. Initial expectations were high: the White House had billed the talks as an opportunity to lay down a roadmap for halting the largest European land war since 1945. Yet by the close of the summit, the public was left with more questions than answers.
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<source src="https://ibp-benefits.s3.ap-south-1.amazonaws.com/prod/news/uploads/videos/1755306265354_ssstwitter.com_1755304880964.mp4.mp4" type="video/mp4"></video>
<h3 data-start="1346" data-end="1379">(Video courtesy: The White House)</h3>
<h3 data-start="1346" data-end="1379">A fragile &lsquo;understanding&rsquo;</h3>
Putin, speaking first, claimed he and Trump had reached an &ldquo;understanding&rdquo; on Ukraine. However, he offered no specifics and pivoted to warn Kyiv and European capitals not to &ldquo;torpedo nascent progress&rdquo; with &ldquo;provocations&rdquo; during this delicate stage.
Trump, in contrast, was more cautious. While acknowledging &ldquo;great progress&rdquo; on &ldquo;many points&rdquo;, he was clear: &ldquo;There&rsquo;s no deal until there&rsquo;s a deal.&rdquo; He admitted one major sticking point remained unresolved, which he described as &ldquo;probably the most significant&rdquo;.
Both leaders conspicuously avoided mentioning any agreed ceasefire &mdash; Trump&rsquo;s declared priority heading into the talks &mdash; and neither was willing to elaborate on what issues had been settled or left pending.
&nbsp;
ALSO READ: https://www.benefitnews24.com/opinion/alaska-talks-a-turning-point-or-false-dawn-/17858
<h3 data-start="2110" data-end="2149">Notably absent: Ukraine&rsquo;s voice</h3>
One of the most striking aspects of the Alaska talks was the absence of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. His government had made clear ahead of the summit that a ceasefire was non-negotiable and warned that fresh sanctions on Moscow should follow any failure to halt the fighting.
Instead, Trump said he would &ldquo;of course&rdquo; speak with Zelenskyy afterwards, along with NATO leaders, before any next steps. This sequencing has raised eyebrows among European allies, some of whom are wary of any agreement reached without Kyiv at the table.
&nbsp;
<h3 data-start="2709" data-end="2751">US, NATO and the shifting calculus</h3>
For Washington and NATO, the stakes are high. The war has drained Western military stockpiles, stretched budgets, and tested transatlantic unity. A negotiated peace that preserves Ukrainian sovereignty remains the official line, but there are undercurrents of strategic fatigue in several NATO capitals.
The US sees value in reducing Russia&rsquo;s operational tempo, especially as it recalibrates its global military focus towards the Indo-Pacific. A cessation of hostilities &mdash; even a temporary one &mdash; could buy breathing room. But any deal that cements Russian territorial gains would be politically toxic in Kyiv and could fracture Western cohesion.
ALSO READ: https://www.benefitnews24.com/opinion/trump-tariffs-india-but-is-putin-the-real-target-/17517
<h3 data-start="3409" data-end="3433">Moscow&rsquo;s motives</h3>
For Putin, appearing on an equal stage with the US President is itself a geopolitical victory. Russia has faced mounting battlefield pressures and an economy under severe sanctions strain. A summit without preconditions allows the Kremlin to frame itself as a power to be negotiated with, rather than isolated.
His warning to Europe not to &ldquo;throw a wrench&rdquo; into the process reflects Moscow&rsquo;s suspicion that NATO&rsquo;s eastern flank states, particularly Poland and the Baltic nations, might push back against any softening of Western resolve.
<h3 data-start="3983" data-end="4029">Missed opportunity or strategic pause?</h3>
While the brevity of the Alaska summit &mdash; barely half the Kremlin&rsquo;s forecast duration &mdash; suggests a narrower scope than planned, both sides emphasised their willingness to meet again. In a light-hearted exchange at the close, Putin invited Trump to Moscow, prompting Trump to joke he might &ldquo;get a little heat&rdquo; for such a visit.
But beneath the diplomatic courtesies, the absence of tangible deliverables underlines the complexity of the war&rsquo;s endgame. Neither side appeared willing to concede on core issues: Ukraine&rsquo;s territorial integrity for the West, and recognition of Russian claims for the Kremlin.
ALSO READ: https://www.benefitnews24.com/opinion/trump-s-trade-threat-india-won-t-be-bullied/17425
<h3 data-start="4645" data-end="4675">Optics versus outcomes</h3>
The optics of Trump and Putin together, against the summit&rsquo;s Pursuing Peace backdrop, may appeal to domestic audiences eager for leadership on the global stage. Yet without substantive follow-through, the event risks being remembered as another high-profile photo opportunity with little policy weight.
With the war now into its fourth year, the humanitarian toll continues to mount &mdash; millions displaced, infrastructure shattered, and a generation&rsquo;s future in limbo. Every month without a ceasefire deepens the war&rsquo;s economic, political, and social scars.
What next?
The Alaska summit has left the Russia&ndash;Ukraine peace process hovering in uncertainty. The US may now engage in a round of quiet shuttle diplomacy with NATO partners and Kyiv, testing whether the &ldquo;understanding&rdquo; claimed by Putin can be translated into verifiable commitments. However, without Ukraine&rsquo;s direct involvement in shaping any agreement, scepticism will remain high. Both Moscow and Washington appear to be playing for time &mdash; one to ease battlefield strain, the other to manage global priorities. Whether the next Trump&ndash;Putin meeting delivers more than rhetoric will define if Alaska was a prelude to peace or just political theatre.

Russian President Vladimir Putin (on left), US President Donald Trump (on right) in talks with Pursuing Peace backdrop

Trump–Putin summit ends without a ceasefire, progress claims clouded by missing details

Geo-Politics